It would be useful to examine the differences in interpretation of such sexually "deviant" photographs or stories and the attitudes they foster for those within the relevant subcultures versus those observing from outside. Critiques of much experimental mass media research have argued that there may be fundamental differences in effects when exposure is forced upon naive or unfamiliar audiences versus when shown to consumers (e.g., Brannigan & Goldenberg, 1987). Thus, cyberspace, where typically unreachable populations often "hang out," may be a useful environment for remedying this problem.

As a departure from effects on sexual violence or antiwoman attitudes, some researchers have examined moral repercussions of pornography exposure, such as whether pornography fosters a lack of respect for traditional institutions such as marriage, traditional relations between the sexes, and traditional roles for women. Zillmann and J. Bryant (1988) found that prolonged exposure (one hour a week for six weeks) to nonviolent pornography led to greater acceptance among men and women of premarital and extramarital relations, greater belief that there can be health risks from sexual repression, and less endorsement of marriage as an essential institution in society.

In another study, Zillmann and J. Bryant (1982) found that men and women exposed to explicit depictions of oral, anal, and vaginal intercourse (five hours over several weeks) estimated higher percentages of persons that engage in oral and anal sex, group sex, as well as deviant practices such as sadomasochism and bestiality than were estimated by subjects who had not seen any films. Of course, it is difficult to determine from this study which group's estimates are the more accurate! It is conceivable that exposure to online images of sadism and masochism or bestiality would overly increase perceptions of their commonness or even normalcy, but it is also possible that most of the people that upload and download these photographs are themselves interested in the deviant behavior, if not practitioners, and thus their perceptions would already be skewed.

Although effects on morality are undoubtedly for many people considered offensive and harmful to society, beliefs about marriage, sexual repression, promiscuity, and the "normalcy" of certain sexual practices are also arguably issues that are open to political and moral debate. Thus, those who would condemn pornographic images and stories on computer networks (or elsewhere) on these grounds have the additional burden of arguing that these moral concerns represent, like sexual violence, true societal or individual harms and not merely offensive ideas (which the courts have particularly sought to protect; see Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 1942; Cohen v. California, 1971; Texas v. Johnson, 1989).

Whether harms may be moral decay or anti-social/criminal behavior, an important phenomenon occurs online that is not a part of traditional pornography exposure but which may have important implications for online effects. Online users not only view or read pornography, but many discuss it (or read other people's discussions of it) as well. In some groups (e.g., "alt.sex.bestiality"), comments are posted alongside the stories and pictures, while other separate newsgroups are created to deal entirely with discussion about stories or pictures posted elsewhere (e.g., "alt.sex.stories.d" is devoted to discussion about erotica posted to "alt.sex.stories"). Investigations of the effects of online pornography (violent, deviant, or otherwise) should take into account how various stories or images are received in the newsgroup communities in which they are posted: What makes some stories gain acceptance while others get flamed? Is violence heralded or eschewed in general, or does it depend on how it is written? What is the nature of the critiquing process and how might comments and discussion about stories mediate their effects?

Virtual Communities: Encouraging Sexual Deviance or Promoting Socially Positive Attitudes? Online discussion is not limited to comments or critiques about commercial pornography or personal stories. In fact, as argued earlier, much of what is "sexual" on the networks, even in deviance-oriented newsgroups, consists of diverse lines of discussion as well as real-time conversations, often far removed from the visual or textual types of pornography, particularly industry-produced forms, that have typically concerned effects researchers and the courts.

Indeed, Ball-Rokeach and Reardon (1988) argue that what they call "telelogic" communication, or participation in talking or writing at a distance (i.e., via computer), is a unique form of communication that should be distinguished from "monologic" (traditional mass media) and "dialogic" (interpersonal) forms. They propose that telelogic systems provide the functions of "exchange" (i.e., of goods and services), "association" (establishing and maintaining personal relationships), and "debate" (expression of opinions on certain topics), all within the same electronic community. However, despite the abundance of sex-related telelogic communication (compared to traditional online pornography), little research attention has been given to the potential functions (harmful or beneficial) of such interaction common to online newsgroups and bulletin boards.

Nevertheless, a growing body of research has examined newsgroup or bulletin board use in non-sexual contexts whose findings may have implications for sex-related communication online. A number of researchers have found support for Ball-Rokeach and Reardon's concepts of association, debate, and exchange. Newsgroups and bulletin boards have been found to bring like-minded people together and create "communities" based solely on their shared interests (Baym, 1995; James, Wotring, & Forrest, 1995; Ogan, 1993; Rafaeli, 1988). Despite geographic or social barriers, meaningful relationships and companionship can develop (Baym, 1995; James, Wotring, & Forrest, 1995), valuable information can be exchanged (Baym, 1995; Garramone, Harris, & Anderson, 1986; James, Wotring, & Forrest, 1995; Ogan, 1993) and political or social issues can be debated (Garramone, Harris, & Anderson, 1986; Ogan, 1993). Indeed, topics that would fail to obtain the critical mass of interest necessary to sustain a club in one's local environs (such as homosexuality in a small town) can thrive in one of the over 12,000 newsgroups available on the Internet where the critical mass derives from the international community (Rheingold, 1993).

The ability of the Internet to construct communities based solely on shared interests is a feature of the new technology that is often hailed as a virtue (e.g., Rheingold, 1993). Whether the shared interest is politics or pet care, the Internet has been seen as contributing to a type of communicative revolution (Hiltz & Turoff, 1978/1992), opening up opportunities for extending and equalizing information exchange and cultivating diversity and democracy in collective activities and decision making (Sproull & Kiesler, 1991; see also Spears & Lea, 1994). Indeed, most studies on newsgroup or bulletin board use have primarily sought to identify these potential social and personal benefits for users and society (e.g., James, Wotring, & Forrest, 1995).

However, when the shared interest centers around issues of sexuality, such as the advocacy of deviant or marginalized sexual practices, the value of functions like community, information exchange, and debate becomes controversial.8 Of course, whether community and information exchange among sexually deviant individuals is good or bad depends on whom you are talking to and the types of sexual deviance you are talking about. For example, bringing together geographically distant homosexuals or advocates of group sex may be considered harmless and even useful by those who regard each of those behaviors as a lifestyle alternative (Meyer, 1995). Conversely, to those who consider such behaviors immoral or otherwise distasteful or harmful may consider their advocacy dangerous (e.g., Zipperer, 1995). The occurrence of "burn in Hell" or "you perverts" posts among the enthusiastic posts of sexual experiences reflects this value judgment controversy.

However, some areas of sexual deviance are more universally proscribed and even potentially criminal, and thus present a greater concern about encouraging their practice online. Pedophilia, or recurrent fantasies, urges, or behaviors involving sexual activity with children (American Psychiatric Association, 1994), is one of these areas, as sex with minors is typically criminalized for its harm to a uniquely vulnerable class of persons. Similarly, child pornography, unlike mainstream pornography, is criminalized because its production requires explicit sex with children, which the Court has agreed is psychologically and physically detrimental to child participants (New York v. Ferber, 1982). Furthermore, even sexual newsgroup users whose own practices are considered "perverted" by mainstream standards (e.g., bondage, bestiality) have often voiced opposition to pedophilia and "man/boy love" (Furniss, 1993). It is thus not surprising that online pedophilia groups have served as a lightning rod for cyberporn opponents.

Durkin and C. Bryant (1995) propose that the "carnal computer" may serve several functions, some similar to those of Ball-Rokeach and Reardon (1988), that may encourage such reviled and potentially dangerous forms of sexual deviance, such as pedophilia. One of these functions, akin to Ball-Rokeach and Reardon's concept of "association," is "social consolidation," or bringing together large numbers of individuals of "similar sexually deviant persuasion" (p. 195) to form a newsgroup or bulletin board. Once enough individuals post consistently to the group, ideas and practices can be disseminated rapidly and widely, and a social context is created for people's deviant inclinations.

In this social context, Durkin and Bryant argue, newsgroups may then serve as an arena for posting "intellectual graffiti" (somewhat comparable to Ball-Rokeach and Reardon's concept of "exchange"). Users may post questions, advice, opinions, and fantasies that may violate social norms outside of the group, but which would not receive social sanctions from within (see also Bryant, 1982). Durkin and Bryant argue that the virtual anonymity (or pseudonymity) that computer networks provide may even further encourage such expression, and otherwise private (perhaps withering?) fantasies can become externalized, reinforced, and fed through interaction. Ultimately, networks may serve as a means of "metamorphosis," with the creation of an opportunity structure for transforming these reinforced and extended fantasies into actualized behavior.

A growing body of research that has addressed anonymity and interpersonal behavior in non-sexual computer-mediated communication (see Spears & Lea, 1994; Walther, Anderson, & Park, 1994, for recent reviews) may have implications for effects of sexual newsgroup discussions. For example, recent research on computer-mediated communication and social identity (e.g., Lea & Spears, 1991; Spears, Lea, & Lee, 1990) provides some support for Durkin and Bryant's reasoning on newsgroups encouraging sexual deviance.

According to Reicher's (1984) conceptualization of social identity theory (see also Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987), "if people identify with a group, and that group membership is made salient to them, then they will be more likely to be influenced by the group under de-individuating conditions" (Lea & Spears, 1991, p. 288). In other words, under conditions of anonymity within a group, because intragroup differences are minimized, an individual's social or group identity can become more salient and influential than his or her own individual identity (Reicher, 1984).

Tested in online group decision making experiments (Lea & Spears, 1991; Spears, Lea, & Lee, 1990), de-individuation (operationalized as visual anonymity, or communication via computer in separate rooms) and group salience (placing subjects' focus on how groups use computers versus how individuals do) are typically manipulated. Results indicate that indeed greater social influence and polarization toward a pre-established group norm occur among de-individuated members of a salient group (Lea & Spears, 1991). By contrast, when individuality is made salient, even under conditions of anonymity, groups become more "depolarized," or shifted away from group norms.

Applied to Durkin and Bryant's concerns about sexual deviance, the research of Lea and Spears suggests that people who identify with a sexually deviant group (such as pedophilia), under conditions of anonymity and consequent de-individuation (such as is this case in network newsgroups) may indeed become more extreme in their advocacy of deviant behavior. It is important to note, however, that, because polarization occurs in the direction of the group's norms, a group can become more "extreme" in favor of caution as well as in favor of risk or action, depending on the initial group trend (Lea and Spears, 1991). In other words, if the deviant group is tending toward the actualization of fantasized behavior, then members may become more likely to encourage setting up opportunities to fulfill those fantasies. Similarly, if the group tends toward the importance of fantasy over behavior, then advocacy of potential criminal behavior is not likely to be the extreme position.

However, this application of social identity in computer-mediated communication studies to network newsgroups is limited, as it greatly simplifies the newsgroup or bulletin board discussion process. Unlike the experimental situations in which groups discuss pre-arranged topics in real time, newsgroup discussions proceed by members reading only those posts of interest and then responding. As a result of this selection and respond process, several group "trends" or norms may be going on simultaneously, with some members participating in only one line of discussion and others participating in many.

Furthermore, because many newsgroup members only post occasionally, and most do not post at all, researchers need to investigate to what extent group identity is salient among users of varying levels of participation. For the small group of members who regularly post, group identity is likely to be strong, and thus, the encouragement of extreme group trends, such as toward setting up opportunities for actualizing pedophilic fantasies, may present a real danger of facilitating criminal behavior. In contrast, members who merely "lurk" may, despite anonymity, retain an individual sense of identity as they watch their group "from afar." Some lurkers may not even consider themselves part of the group at all, but instead just drop in, as one user put it, "to stare at the pervs" (Furniss, 1993, p. 27). From this reasoning, Durkin and Bryant's notion of newsgroup influence and widespread diffusion of sexually deviant practices may be overstated.

Research on social community and information exchange supports the argument that online newsgroups and bulletin boards provide people with deviant or marginalized sexual interests a means of consolidation and a social context for expression. Studies on social identity in computer-mediated decision making groups support, for some users, Durkin and Bryant's (1995) argument that such consolidation and expression may encourage even more extreme anti-social preferences. However, others have also argued that these same consolidation and expression functions may actually have socially positive rather than negative consequences.

Law professor Carlin Meyer (1995), for example, argues that open access to discussion on the Internet may actually prevent both adults and children from becoming future pedophiles or sex criminals. She argues that individuals who seem propelled by a biological or psychological predisposition towards an abusive sexual lifestyle may find support and understanding online. There is some evidence that perpetrators of sexual aggression or sex abuse of children frequently come from sexually repressive households, often in which even signs of sexuality were rebuked (see Berlin & Krout, 1986; Popkin & Simons, 1994). Thus, Meyer argues that a strategy which attempts to combat sexual deviance with additional repression (such as barring explicit discussion à la the Exon amendment) may not prove to be the most successful course.

Indeed, for those who feel disconnected from society because of their sexual proclivities or problems, "sexually oriented boards act as a kind of support group" (Furniss, 1993, p. 20), helping people to "feel better about themselves" (p. 25) by realizing that they are neither alone nor inevitably headed down an abusive or criminal path (Meyer, 1995). Even in the real-time sexual encounters of "compu-sex," Branwyn (1993) found evidence of such informal counseling.

Furthermore, encouraging people to express their fantasies, however deviant, may not necessarily encourage actualizing such behavior in the "real world." Meyer (1995), in fact, argues the opposite:

It is not clear that pedophiles...who indulge their tastes on the Internet, or those who merely indulge their curiosity or sexual pleasure in viewing such taboo imagery, thereby become more harmful to society: The opposite conclusion is more logical. Easy access to private viewing [or reading or talking] in circumstances in which masturbatory fantasy can be indulged is as likely to alleviate the need or desire to pursue actual children as it is to encourage taking action in real space rather than cyberspace (pp. 1999 - 2000).

In other words, the online sexual experience may in some circumstances be cathartic, not in the vicarious sense unsupported in the media violence literature (see e.g., Eron, Gentry, & Schlegel, 1994; Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988), but in the literal sense, through the physical release of sexual arousal.

In fact, Branwyn (1993) and others (see Levy, 1995b) argue that online sexual interaction (deviant or mainstream) in newsgroups and chat rooms may act as the ultimate "safe sex" for the 90s. Meyer (1995) maintains that this is especially important for adolescents, who can explore "in the privacy of their rooms and in the anonymity of conversation in which they are both invisible and unknown, what other children and adolescents are feeling and thinking about their bodies and sexuality" (p. 2007). Preliminary findings of Sherry Turkle's work on adolescents' experiences on the Internet (see Levy, 1995b) provides support for this argument.

Finally, although newsgroups bring together people with shared sexual interests, the discussion that emerges between these people is not necessarily characterized by a unified encouragement of like- minded deviant preferences or behaviors. On the contrary, newsgroup discussion (sexual or otherwise) is notorious for its open, uninhibited, and even hostile conflict (Chapman, 1995 and Dery, 1995). As mentioned earlier, Tamosaitis (1995) found that disputing factions (e.g., pro-versus anti-gay male marriage) commonly appear in the sex-related newsgroups, and although not always intelligent dialogs (many erupt into personal "flame wars," with increasingly snide insults and lengthy diatribes [Dery, 1995]), such debate could be an important mediator of the influence of online sexual images and fantasies. Durkin and C. Bryant (1995) do not allow for this "debate" function (Ball-Rokeach & Reardon, 1988) in their discussion of online sexual deviance.

Beyond Sexual Deviance. Sexual newsgroups and chat rooms consist of much more than discussions and debates among sexual deviants. Tamosaitis (1995) contends that:

The Internet gets a lot of heat...as being the bed of indecency, uncensored talk, and immorality. However, what is often not acknowledged, outside of online circles, is the vast international dissemination of timely and valuable information on a seemingly unlimited variety of subjects, including sexual knowledge (p. 10).9

She argues that the openness of discussion, including fears, myths, and delusions, as well as accurate information, facilitates learning. In fact, she argues that "the best way to provoke an answer to a question is to post a fallacy. Other people, armed with the accurate information, will immediately jump in and post the correction" (p. 10) (and probably with some fervor, considering the common "flaming" practice). This potential for accurate information from newsgroup participants may be particularly important for young men and women, who consistently report that peers are their primary source for sex information (above books, media, school, parents, pornography, and church) (Duncan, 1990; Duncan & Donelly, 1991; Trostle, 1993). Although peers have typically supplied each other with the least accurate information about sex (Thornburg, 1981), online communities that encourage debate and discussion among a much greater pool of minds may create groups of "cyberpeers" that are better informed.

In addition, Meyer (1995) argues that many sources of valuable sexual information and support thrive on the Internet which can help young people and adults to develop healthier attitudes towards their own sexuality and which could ultimately have the effect of creating a societal attitude towards sexuality that involves less shame, misogynism, aggression, and repression. She contends that a "lack of information about sex and sexuality, along with societal norms that treat it as unmentionable, private, and to-be-hidden, contribute to societal problems from teen pregnancy to incest and sexual abuse" (p. 1974).

In fact, Meyer (1995) proposes that open, uninhibited, and explicit discussions of sexual issues online may even "break pornography's monopoly" (p. 2006) on representations of pleasurable sex. Because very little honest conversation about sex takes place in American households and culture (Tiefer, 1995), commercial pornography, with its myth of sexual pleasure told primarily from the point of view of men (see e.g., Williams, 1989), has been the only way for people (particularly men) to look explicitly at sex and compare their bodies and performance. Thus, Meyer argues, in a society that teaches that "real manhood depends on phallic performance," commercial pornography's "world of gigantic penises and unflagging erections and aggressively sexual, always available, unblemished and balloon-breasted super models" (p. 2004) provides a comparison that may make men (and women) feel inadequate while at the same time challenging them to prove their sexual prowess and masculinity.

Nevertheless, predominantly white, male, single, young (20s to 30s), middle-to-upper class, educated (some college or higher), liberal, and bi-coastal (most resided on either East or West coast of U. S.) users seem to to dominate many sex-related newsgroups (see e.g., "alt.sex") (Tamosaitis, 1995). In fact, some women have reported feeling alienated and intimidated by the behavior of men in these discussions. Tamosaitis provides one account of a woman who posted on "alt.sex" a response about penis size, and then was flooded with e-mail solicitations for sex from men:

It was intimidating...I didn't say I was looking for a man. I was just posting a response to a man who was worried he was too small. I was trying to make him realize that size was not as important as he believed. Next thing you know, I'm being endlessly propositioned by e-mail. I don't think I'll post again (p. 71).

Thus, many men, rather than overcoming "manhood through phallic performance," may actually use these newsgroups to behave according to the same sexist male myths about sexuality that Meyer suggested were problematic in commercial pornography.

On the other hand, we don't know from this anecdote whether the rest of the men and women in the group continued any further discussion on penis size in the posts, or whether in general women's posts (or those purported to be from women--gender-bending does occur) meet with less serious discussion and more harassment than do men's. Moreover, a predominance of men does not inherently mean that women are not integral to many sex-related discussions, even if they do get a disproportionate amount of solicitation in response to posts. Tamosaitis provides examples of women "piping up" to debunk male myths, and even exclaiming, "It always amuses me to see men discuss female orgasms like they are the ultimate authority!" (p. 71).

In short, anecdotal accounts suggest two hypotheses that need to be investigated about the potential effects of discussion in sexual newsgroups: The argument that debate, association, and exchange (Ball-Rokeach and Reardon, 1988) function in these interactions to promote accurate sexual information (Tamosaitis, 1995) and discourage sexual shame, misogynism, and aggression (Meyer, 1995); and the argument that male dominance in these groups merely promulgates male fantasies and sexist (read inaccurate) representations of sexuality and pleasure. The descriptions of various sex- related newsgroups discussed earlier suggest that the different sexual communities vary widely, and that although the latter argument probably is true on a large scale in many of the groups, enough debate from the "wealth of sophisticated people who are eager to share their knowledge" (Tamosaitis, 1995, p. 71) seeps into discussion to ultimately dispels many sexual myths and their accompanying shame.

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