Untitled

PART II OF: PLANIMETRIC MAPPING OF WORLD CONTINENTAL LAND SURFACES

by

Mary Lynette Larsgaard

Map and Imagery Laboratory, Davidson Library

University of California, Santa Barbara

mary@sdc.ucsb.edu

Planimetric Mapping: A.D. 1500-1600

Dusty maps of Mexico, dim as dreams, and soundings of the Bay of Panama ...

Charles Lamb (quoted in: Bricker and Tooley 1968, p. 191)

Old maps are slippery evidence.

(Parry 1978, p. 102)

Overview

The sixteenth century was marked by a spate of voyages of discovery, resulting in the doubling in size of the known world. The heavily used portolan charts, suffering from not being based on detailed surveys and from the lack of a rigid system of connections between ports, revealed some dangerous defects, such as not allowing for convergence of meridians in high latitudes and not taking account of magnetic declination, neither of which were particularly important for sailing in the Mediterranean, but which both were of pressing interest for those sailors venturing west to the Americas, attempting to find the mythical islands in the Atlantic that fourteenth- and fifteenth- century portolan charts often showed (Washburn 1969, p. 11; Bagrow 1964, p. 118; Shalowitz 1957, p. 292).

By mid-sixteenth century, there were two ways to find the latitude for a given point, one being to determine the height of the sun above the horizon at the place of observation, and the other to determine the height of the polestar, using such instruments as alidades (Brown 1949, p. 180). The 2,000-year search for a method to find the longitude for a given point continued, with "reactions to the question of how to find it" varying "from total indifference to complete despondency" (Brown 1949, p. 208). In the main, longitudes were obtained from the dead reckonings of sailors and other travelers, meaning that each such figure was an estimation of the "distances and directions traveled from hour-to-hour and day-to-day" (Arthur H. Robinson 1973, p. 448).

All of the sailing was primarily inspired by the desire to reach the Spice Islands of southeast Asia by a route not already claimed and zealously guarded by another nation, and by other than the dangerous overland route. Thus, when the Portuguese reached the Moluccas first, by going around Africa and then northeast, the English and French began wondering about the possible existence of Northeast and Northwest Passages (Baker 1967, p. 118). Quite logically, any information discovered was considered to be above and beyond top secret, and any Spanish sea captain without sufficient wits to throw his charts overboard when his galleon was captured by English privateers probably did not soon obtain another command. The progress of mapping therefore lagged considerably behind that of discovery, since those who knew not only were not telling but in some cases even encouraged the circulation of false information. Maps sold to foreigners were especially liable to falsification (Stevenson 1908, p. 27). In addition, those nations doing most of the exploring were not necessarily those nations leading the cartographic trade (see Bricker and Tooley 1968, p. 60 and following for a discussion of the trade).

In 1503 Spain organized the Casa de la Contratacion de las Indias, which functioned as a combination Board of Trade and Hydrographic Office, since foreign trade was synonymous with the art of navigation and the compilation of charts. To chart the New World, it began a master chart, the Padron Real, under the supervision of a commission of pilots (Brown 1953, p. 278).

Nonetheless, somehow truth leaked out, and from 1500 to 1529 several notable maps containing New World discoveries appeared - the Juan de la Cosa map of 1500 or 1502 (Richard Gohm [1972, p. 45] claims the name is Juan la Cosa and that Cosa was the owner of the Santa Maria), the Canerio chart of 1502 (one of the oldest known on which any part of the new World is represented, and one of the first to break with Ptolemaic traditions in the outline of the Far East), the Giovanni Matteo Contarini map of 1506, the Waldseemuller world map of 1507, the John Ruysch map of 1508 (one of the first to show Columbus' discoveries), and the Ribera chart of 1529 (Stevenson 1908, p. 9; Daly 1879, p. 32). Cosa was the proud possessor of inside information, having accompanied Columbus on two voyages, and having made other trips to the New World thereafter. His chart shows the West Indies, the northeast coast of South America, the Bahamas, Africa to the Cape of Good Hope, the Scandinavian peninsula, and the east coast of North America to 56 degrees N; Ceylon is shown as a large triangular island and the coast of India as per Ptolemy (Crone 1968, pp. 79-81; Fite and Freeman 1926, pp. 12, 15).

The Canerio chart, like the Cosa chart, has far from correct longitudinal locations, but the shapes of south Greenland, Newfoundland, a large part of the Atlantic coast of North America south to Florida, the West Indies, South America from the Gulf of Maracaibo to Rio de la Plata, Madeira, the Azores, and the Canaries are good, although the north European coast is decidedly lacking in accuracy. Africa and India are given the correct shapes and Ceylon and Sumatra nearly so; Arabia and the Persian Gulf are Ptolemaic (Stevenson 1908 pp. 9, 22-45; Penrose 1955, plate facing p. 173).

The Contarini map omits the coastline west of "Terra de Cuba," reverses Madagascar and Zanzibar from the position given on the Cosa map, and has Europe, Africa, the Mediterranean, and Ceylon fairly well drawn, although Greenland is shown as north of Scandinavia. The Johannes Ruysch map (from a 1508 Ptolemy) gives the coast of North America as identical with that of east Asia, depicts South America as a separate land mass (with an undefined western coast), and draws the Mediterranean and Scotland (sans eastern projection) correctly (Fite and Freeman 1926, pp. 19-20, 29; Jervis 1938, p. 189; Dickenson and Howarth 1933, p. 80; Villiers 1914, p. 176).

Waldseemuller's world map of 1507 (whose sources are Ptolemy, Marco Polo, Claudius Clavus, Germanus, Columbus, Amerigo Vespucci (Americus Vespucius), Nicolo de Canerio, and Portuguese mariners) is the first map on which the name, "America," appears, and also the first map to show North and South America as clearly separated from Asia; it was, for three decades after its issuance, the accepted world-map type (Raisz 1948, pp. 23-24; Fite and Freeman 1926, p. 26; Crone 1968, pp. 91-94). Ribera's chart of 1529, the culmination of the early colonial period of portolan cartography, shows the world as Magellan's cruise revealed it; in particular, his charting of the Pacific is a landmark (or perhaps a watermark) in the correct placement of the Pacific islands, and the continental outlines on his chart would be followed faithfully until d'Anville, in the eighteenth century (Crone 1968, p. 88; Penrose 1955, p. 250).

There were many other world maps, including two by Peter Apian, in 1520 and 1530, a heart-shaped map of the world in 1519 by Oronce Fine (1494-1555; appropriately enough, a Frenchman), a globe by Schoner in 1515 and another0 in 1523, Jorge Reinel's map of 1519, and Sebasian Munster's world map of 1532. Schoner's 1515 globe reintroduced Terra Australis, which would appear on maps until the eighteenth century; it also was based on information from Mgellan's voyage. In his 1523 globe, North America is separated from Asia by a long, narrow strait, and South America has its correct shape (Jervis 1938, p. 190; Dickenson and Howarth 1933, p. 80). Resinel's Arabia and Persian Gulf reflect Portuguese discoveries; India has nearly its proper shape and width, the Malay peninsula is accurate, the islands of the Eat Indies begin to appear as does the bulge of Indochina, and Brazil is depicted with "almost exaggerated accuracy" (Penrose 1955, plate facing p. 236). The southwest coast of South America is still unsure, as are the exact size and limits of Australia on a 1538 Mercator map, while a 1583 (?) Battista Agnese world map traces the entire west coast of South America (with some slight hesitation in the southwest), and has a fairly correct California, Mexico, and Gulf of California (Fite and Freeman 1926, p. 59).

With discovery still proceeding at a heavy pace, "The accessions to geographical knowledge had become so vast, and the detail so enormous, that the work of giving the whole of the surface of the Earth, as far as known ..., with any marked approximation to correctness, was not accomplished until Mercator produced his great map of the world in 1569" (Daly 1879, p. 35), although 1541 marked the end of the age of Discovery.

Perhaps the most important movement in the cartographical publishing world of the second half of the sixteenth century was that toward the publishing of atlases, with Ortelius' Theatrum Orbis Terrarum in 1570 (all maps in the same format, one cartographer per country) being an instant success (Bagrow 1964, p. 179). The first printed atlas of charts was De Spieghel der Zeevaerdt in 1584, followed by an English edition, The Mariner's Mirrour in 1588 (Crone 1968, p. 38). Jodocus Hondius' world map of 1595 shows for the first time the course of Drake's voyage around the world (Jervis 1938, p. 194).

By 1600, the Europeans knew the shapes of most of the world; the mysteries were what lay to the south (Australia), and the north Pacific, including the Asia-North America near-contact area (Wynd and Wood 1963, figure 4b). Dragons began to lose ground on maps, replaced in the following centuries first by legends and later by "honest blank space" (Kish 1978, p. [1]). A marked improvement took place during the latter half of the sixteenth century in regard to the knowledge of the general distribution of land and water, as America assumed its general place in the scheme of things (Heawood 1965, p. 3).

Planimetric Mapping of Africa: A.D. 1500-1600

From the first years of the sixteenth century, the east and west coasts of Africa began to appear in something like their true form, and there was a considerable increase in the number of maps of Africa produced (Lister 1970, p. 97).

Maps at the beginning of the century were rudimentary outline maps with Africa attaining a gigantic size due to its attachment to another continent, usually Asia but occasionally Terra Australis (Tooley 1966, p. 56; Winsor 1889a, pp. 10-11). Cosa's 1502 map depicts the coastline correctly to Rio de Infante (reached by Bartolomeu Dias) (Randles 1958, p. 69). Alberto Cantino's world chart of 1502 records the geographic results of the voyages of da Gama, Cabral, and their predecessors, giving South Africa its correct orientation and approximately its true shape, although with an underestimated width due to the difficulty of determining longitude. The Cantino chart is the earliest surviving Portuguese map of new discoveries on the continent's east and west coast, since the Portuguese apparently enforced their official policy of secrecy in such matters; the Casa da Mina e Indias, charged with the production and revision of charts, had hanging over it the King's decree of the death penalty for anyone sending a chart abroad (Skelton 1958, pp. 31, 33, 35).

In 1506 Fernan Suarez (Ferrao Soares) discovered the exact location of Madagascar, and the first printed map depicting Portuguese explorations appeared, the Contarini map (Kammerer 1950, p. 95; Drapeyron 1897, p. 300; Cartwright 1976, p. vii). A 1508 edition of Ptolemy showed the south of Africa for the first time; the first separate map of Africa would appear in 1513, in the Strasbourg edition (Baynton-Williams 1969, p. 126).

The early cartographers of the century "took the rash step of trying to integrate the relatively scaleless cartography of fifteenth century Abyssinia with Portuguese nautical charts, thus fostering a distortion that would persist to the eighteenth century" (Randles 1958, p. 88). Sebastian Munster's 1540 world map provided the type map for Africa for many years, not to be superseded until Giacomo Gastaldi's 1564 map (begun about 1545), a type map that was the inspiration of later cartographers, who carefully included its vast central lake, slightly near the west coast (Randles 1958, pp. 77, 79, 81).

Ortelius' 1570 map of Africa, while showing great improvement, still owed much to Ptolemy, with such touches as the Niger River being confused with the Senegal and flowing in the wrong direction besides. Maps by Mercator and Ortelius and their copyists have the common fault of giving South Africa too sharp a point (Baynton-Williams 1969, p. 126; Langlands 1971, p. 67). In fact, Filippo Pigafetta's map of Africa south of the Equator "abounds in errors of a grotesque nature," with rivers coming from one common source (deSmidt 1896, p. 321).

By the end of the century, the entire coastline and many of its details were known, largely as a result of the Portuguese and Dutch sailings to the Indies, and in some places, such as Benin, as much was known as would be for centuries. There was some knowledge of the interior, including such corrections to Ptolemaean geography as the location of major lakes and of the lacustrian and general origin of the great African rivers (Langlands 1971, p. 3; Lopes 1969, p. xx; Heawood 1965, pp. 6-7). But sadly enough "the end of the sixteenth century marks the close of a period of activity, to be followed by nearly two centuries of stagnation, so far as geographical discovery is concerned" (Heawood 1965, pp. 6-7), for "the purpose of that stage of competitive exploration had been achieved" - a sea route to the riches of India (tooley 1969, p. iv).

Planimetric Mapping of Australia: A.D. 1500-1600

The discussions as to whether Australia were actually discovered prior to the seventeenth century are extensive. Some believe that the Australian continent was called Java (Iava) Major on sixteenth century maps such as the Dauphin chart (ca. 1530-1536). About 1515, an unnamed southern continent was depicted as an independent land mass for the first time ever, on a planiglobe by Leonardo da Vinci (Schiler 1976, p. 10). Oronce Fine "incorporated the imaginary continent into his beautifully-executed double-cordiform world-map of 1531," calling it "Terra Australis" (Ingleton 1958, p. 485). Or was perhaps Ophir/Offir Australia, and the coast facing Timor in Le Testu's 1555-1556 map actually western Australia? (Chicouteau 1959, p. 76 suggests; Schilder 1976, pp. 18-19 disagrees; se also Villiers 1914, p. 1780.

Came the Ortelius 1570 and Mercator 1569 and 1587 maps, and fantasy still reigned, with Australia as Terra Australis (perhaps), but Java Major as Java. Between 1536 and 1567, French cartographers (principally from Dieppe) portrayed in their maps Jave-la-Grande. Mercator in his 1569 map places "Locac" (actually Indochina), described by Polo as a continental province, at about latitude 20 degrees S, on the vast southern continent (Ingleton 1958, p. 486; Chicoteau 1959, p. 81; Barton 1977a, p. [5]).

Planimetric Mapping of Eurasia: A.D. 1500-1600

Asia

In his 1507 12-sheet world map, Waldseemuller follows the old tradition, set by Behaim and Martellus Germanus among others, of superimposing the geography of Marco Polo and of Portuguese explorers on the Ptolemaic framework for the depiction of the coast of eastern and southern Asia. One peculiar feature appearing on his and other early sixteenth-century maps is that of two Malay peninsulas, which was to confuse the issue for the next 50 years (Wroth 1944, pp. 121-22; Penrose 1955, p. 7). Another odd feature of mapping of the peninsula is a waterway crossing from coast to coast south of the midpoint; as can be judged from this, pre-1600 maps of it tended toward the speculative (Wheatley 1954, p. 67). But the new geography was triumphing, and the final break between new and old came with the 1513 Strasbourge edition, which revises the concepts of Ptolemy according to new discoveries and adds 20 new maps, five of which were based on the discoveries of the Spaniards and Portuguese (Wroth 1944, pp. 129-30). The supernumery Malay peninsula does persist, but India is given its triangular shape, and the extended Indochines peninsula has been abandoned (Wroth 1944, pp. 129-30).

The Sebastian Munster maps of 1540 are very imaginative, with Asia square and surrounded by small islands (Baynton-Williams 1969, p. 140). Giacomo Gastaldi's 1546 Universale (Tibbetts 1954, pp. 19-20 says 1548, for the Venetian edition of Ptolemy) is the landmark Asia map of the century. Between date of publication and 1576 it was reproduced 14 or 15 times (Wroth 1944, p. 154). Gastaldi used Polo's information plus, it would seem likely, travel accounts (Nordenskiold 1899, pp. 397-98, 405). Although it does show Asia as connected to North America, it is in every other way a work of reform (Wroth 1944, p. 155).

Because of Portuguese discoveries, the west and east coasts of India and the islands of southeast Asia (such as Java and Sumatra) also were showing signs of outline improvement. The Maldives, Madagaxcar, and the coastline of New Guinea appear on Mercator's 1569 world map (Crone 1968, pp. 84-85); Lister 1970, p. 115; Uhden 1938, p. 40).

Palestine was frequently depicted in early Bibles in the sixteenth century, and was also well represented in other books of the time, such as Italian atlases. It also appears as a separate, as in Mercator's 1537 six-sheet map. India's shape had been corrected to a triangle as early as Reisch's 1508 world map, and also in the tabula moderna of the later editions of Ptolemy, but the Ganges continued to be shown as flowing north to south (Tooley 1952, pp. 103-104; Gole 1976, p. 8).

As the mapmaker's pen went further east on his sheet of paper, it became less sure. Korea, generally thought to be an island if thought of at all, was scarcely known during the entire century; the 1502 Charta Navigatoria has some vague ideas, the 1528 Bordene map projects its silhouette. Matteo Ricci does not show Korea at all in the first edition of his map of China; in the second, not only is it there, and as a peninsula, but it is enormous. In 1595, in Ludovico Teixera's map (published by Ortelius and based on Gyogi-type maps), Korea is still portrayed as a narrow island north of Japan. The end of the century, 1599, marked a forward step; Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, in his new description of Japan, calls Korea "Caoli" or "Corao" but is still unsure of its connection or lack thereof to Asia (Tooley 1961, p. 108; Pawlowski 1904, pp. 218-20; Szczesniak 1954, p. 130; Tooley 1952, p. 105). New Guinea was also just far enough east to be a problem; even by 1570 whether it were an island or part of Terra Australis was still a matter for discussion.

The mapping by the West of China began in this century in 1514 with the arrival of the Portuguese, at which time China started to have a definite if inexact shape on maps. Prior to the arrival of Jorge Alvares in Canton in 1513, the Extreme Orient had been represented on maps only "par des traces de fantasie" (Kammerer 1944, p. 79). Father Ricci's map of 1584 (prepared in Chao-Ch'in, Kwantung) was a distinct improvement, not only for China but also for Korea and Japan (Tooley 1961, p. 105). The same year saw the first map of China produced in Europe, by the Portuguese Jesuit Ludovico Georgia (1546?-1613), issued in Ortelius' Theatrum Orbis Terrarum Additamentum III. By 1596, Linschoten had shown on a map the large curve of the China coast (Lister 1970, pp. 102-103).

Japan became known to Europe far later than did China. The early portolan mapmakers left it off completely since they had no first-hand information, Polo's report on Zipangu not being suficient. Maps of Japan, when they finally began to appear in the second half of the century, were rather primitive (Kish 1948, p. 2). "Giapam" appears on Ramusio's map of 1553, and on Zaltiere's mid-century map also (Kish 1949, p. 41; Kish 1966, p. 214). First only one island appeared; later, all three principal islands were drawn on such maps as that of Mercator in 1569, probably taken from sources like the 15585 Diogo Homem map, which places the main island in its true relationship to Asia but links it with the continent (Kish 1949, p. 41; Washburn 1952, p. 234; Campbell 1967, p. 3). In 1570 Ortelius shows Japan as one island, kite-shaped, with minute islands at head and tail, on his map of the East Indies; Mercator's Asia map follows the same pattern. De Jode and Linschoten make it crescent-shaped, with the two horns pointing south (Tooley 1952, p. 108). In 1585 a Japanese-made map showing the 66 fiefs into which Japna was divided was brought by an embassy group to Italy, where it was later found in the Medici papers (Kish 1949, p. 43). It was the 1595 Ortelius separate map of Japan, compiled by Father Ludovico Texeira (Luiz Teixeira) that would be the standard European map of Japan for many years - a refreshing change from the times when, in later versions of Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, Ortelius published several different versions together (Tooley 1952, p. 108; Campbell 1967, p. 3; Wroth 1944, p. 201; Eric Wilhelm Dahlgren 1977). Japanese-made maps apparently supplied information for maps made in Europe in the later part of the century, probably particularly in the last decade; in spite of such assistance, Japan's main island was oriented east-west instead of its true north-south in maps produced in the 1590s ((Nakamura 1939, p. 118; Kish 1949, p. 46; Okamoto 1964, p. 24).

Europe

C'est du temps de Mercator que date la geographie moderne.

(Wauwermans 1964, v. 1, p. 3)

In the early sixteenth century, "people suddenly recognized the value of maps in the management of life's affairs" (Harvey 1977, p. [1]), and the century became one of regional cartography in Europe, as people busily mapped their homelands - mapping themselves at the same time as they explored the previously unknown portions of the Earth's surface.

Waldseemuller's maps try, without much success, to delineate the three deep breaches of the Baltic into the continents, but are still a welcome change from the flat Ptolemy coastline (Spekke 1961, p. 41). The 1511 Ptolemy, edited by Bernardus Sylvanus, introduces the first "modern" printed map of teh British Isles; Scotland is given a more correct north-south alignment and has lost the island status many charts had given it (Campbell 1970, pp. 3-4). The rest of the century saw Scotland presented in a variety of ways. The Strasbourg Ptolemy of 1513 has as its major British Isles peculiarity the eastward orientation of Scotland; if this is adjusted, it is fairly correct, with a recognizable northeast gulf and Firth of Forth. Not so the Hebrides and Orkneys, which are "badly adrift and poorly represented ..." (Royal Geographical Society 1961, p. 21). The same year marks the appearance of the first printed map of Switzerland (Bagrow 1964, p. 155). In Villanovanus' 1525 map, Scotland veers north instead of east (Bartholomew 1939, p. viii).

The first independent detalied map of Bohemia was drawn in 1518 by Nicolas Claudianus; for a considerable time it would be known only from copies made by Sebastian Munster (Kuchar 1961, pp. 10-11). In 1526, the first general maps of Poland and Lithuania, which were excellent for their time, appeared; further cartographic progress was drastically slowed by the social and political structure and problems of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Bernard Wapowski's map of Sarmatia was influential; after 1526 all maps of Europe used his hydrographic systems leading to the Black Sea. His Podolia and Lithuania maps contain several errors, but since his longitudes are "astoundingly accurate," Lithuania and Ruthenia for the first time approach their true patterns (Buczek 1966, p. 38). He finished a great map of Poland in 1526, and his method of depicting the western provinces persisted in general outline until the mid-eighteenth century. After his death in 1530, Polish cartographical development ceased for some time (Buczek 1966, pp. 33-40). In 1529 Willem Hendrickez Croock drew up a small map of Noord-Holland, with the Zuider Zee coastline fairly well drawn but the interior summarily done (fockema and van't Hoff 1947, p. 107). In 1528 Elazarus drew what is considered to be the oldest map of Hungary (Irmedi-Molnar 1964, p. 53).

The Bavarian Jacobus Ziegler in 1532 broke the spell of the 1424 Clavus map with his depiction of Scandinavia. He was the first to shown that area in the main correctly, including the Gulfs of Finland and Bothnia (Winter 1955, p. 54; Bagrow 1964, p. 166; Spekke 1948, pp. 47-49). In about the 1530s the Cottonian map, Angliae figura ... appeared, the finest map of the British Isles that has come down to us from the first half of the sixteenth century. The outline is much improved, especially that of the south coast - except that it is shown as running from east to west. Scotland is also notably improved (Royal Geographical Society 1961, pp. 22-23). Mapping of Great Britain was somewhat active in this century due to the demands of those who had acquired monastic properties at the Dissolution in 1536 and the Suppression in 1539, and also due to disputes relating to the enclosure of common grazing land (Lister 1970, p. 52).

Regional mapping was very popular in Germany; the famous cosmographer and cartographer, Sebastian Munster of Heidelberg, published an appeal to his fellow scholars to cooperate with him in a geographic description of Germany, each one mapping (using quadrant and compass) the country near his town. As a result of this cooperative effort, maps of Silesia, Prussia, Hungary, Allgau, Bodensee, and contiguous provinces appeared in 1534 (Crone 1968, p. 99; Tooley 1961, p. 27).

In about 1538, Aegidius Tschudi's superb 1:350,000-scale map of Switzerland appeared (Throington 1934, p. 149). But the most remarkable map of the time is the 1539 Carta Marina of Scandinavia and the borderlands of the Baltic by Olaus Magnus. The map was compiled "after extensive travels and backed by an intimate knowledge of preexisting maps ..." (Mead 1940, p. 402). In this landmark effort that broke almost completely from Ptolemaic tradition, Iceland appears, and an attempt is made to present the true contours of the Baltic. It does exaggerate the peninsularity of Finland and places it too near the Pole, "the Gulf of Finland trends too much to the north, the White Sea is divorced from the Arctic Sea; and the proportions of Hyperborean Finland are swollen" (Mead 1940, p. 403).

In 1540 Sebastian Munster revived the Gough prototype of the British Isles and thus provided the first realistic shape for Wales (Campbell 1970, p. 4). Iceland's shape is fairly accurate on a 1541 map by Nicolas Desliens (Hermannsson 1931, p. 678). Cornelis Anthonisz' 1543 Caerte von Oostlandt was a further advance in the depiction of Scandinavia, the oldest realistic chart of Scandinavian waters, and the first time that cartographers did justice to the main form of the Baltic (Per Johan Dahlgren 1944, p. 340). The oldest map devoted exclusively to Silesia is in Sebastian Munster's 1544 Cosmographia (Janczak 1976, p. 115). Giacomo Gastaldi's map of Spain of the same year opened a new period in the modern cartography of the Iberian peninsula (Almagia 1948, p. 31).

Provincial mapping was very popular in Italy; Jacopo Gastaldi, Cosmographer of the Venetian Republic, was much involved with mapping of northern Italy, and from 1544 to 1570 his maps of Apulia, Padua, the Gulf of Venice, and Lombardy were published, some after his death in 1565 (Bagrow 1964, pp. 145-46).

George Lily's 1546 map, Britanniae Insulae, published in Rome, is the first to give an recognizable outline for Scotland; perfecting the outline and filling in detail was all that remained to be done (Royal Scottish Geographical Society 1960, p. 6). Cartography was moving rapidly in Switzerland, with a collection of cantonal maps issued in about 1548. The earliest maps of the Danube countries and the Balkan peninsula appeared sometime between 1544 and 1560 (Bagrow 1964, pp. 155-57).

All of the varied cartographic output concerning Hungary in the second half of the sixteenth century is based on Lazius' 1528 map (Banfi 1956, p. 90). The Dutch provinces were mapped at a scale of about 1:180,000 in the mid-sixteenth century, mainly by Jacob van Deventer, using his own observations and precise measurements (Hoff 1962, pp. 29, 32; Keuning 1952, p. 45). In 1552 Marcus Jorden's map of Denmark appeared (Tooley 1961, p. 126).

There was little evidence of regional mapping of France prior to the mid-sixteenth century. Oronce Fine became interested in the techniques of topographical survey, used newly invented instruments to take measurements, and compiled tables of lunar distances to determine latitude (Bagrow 1964, p. 160).

By 1563 a map of Greece was extant. In 1565 Tschudi's second map of Switzerland, at a scale of about 1:400,000, appeared (Bagrow 1964, p. 159; Blumer 1958, p. 165). Johann Criginger's 1568 map of Bohemia provided an example of censoring for the purposes of national security:

The Elector - as well as the majority of the

sovereigns of that time - however thought that

to publish rather accurate maps of their [sic]

countries would not be desirable.

(Kuchar 1961, p. 17)

so Criginger had to remove certain geographical information and fill in with pictures before publication. Paul Fabricius made what is the oldest known map of Moravia, at a scale of 1:288,000, in 1568 or 1569 (Czechoslovak Republic 1959, p. 63; Kuchar 1961, p. 33).

"The year 1570 is for Scandinavia, as for other lands, a turning point in the history of cartography," as it marks the appearance of Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, the first uniform world atlas, by Abraham Orteluis (Tooley 1952, p. 126). The coastlines of the Baltic and of England and Ireland show much improvement; in fact, the former are fixed into a lasting shape (Spekke 1961, p. 74; Royal Geographical Society 1961, p. 26). Maps of France as a whole, Berry, Limogne, Calais and Boulonnais, Vermandois, coastal Languedoc, part of Provence, Savoy, and part of Bourgogne also appear in Theatrum (Bagrow 1964, p. 160).

Diogo Homem's 1572 map of Scotland became a type map until near the close of the sixteenth century. Ortelius' 1573 map of Ireland is more detailed than its predecessors but poor in form (Michael Corbet Andrews 1924, pp. 21-22, 29). In 1574-1578, Christopher Saxton (ca. 1542-ca. 1610) mapped all the shires of England and Wales, followed in 1579 with his general map of England and Wales, at a scale of about 1:506,880 (Bartholomew 1939, p. viii; Lister 1970, p. 57). John Norden also made a few county maps (Tooley 1961, p. 66). The intricate west coasts of Scotland and Ireland still presented problems for map-makers, as witness Baptista Boazio's otherwise excellent 1578-80 (1588 says Lister 1970, p. 54) maps of the latter (Michael Corbet Adnrews 1925, p. 29).

The first example of Polish military cartography dates from the same year as Saxton's general map, 1579, and is a map (not very well done) at a scale of 1:700,000. Matthias Strubicz' 1582 map was a step forward in its representation of the grand Duchy of Lithuania, bringing the mapping of that country to the level already achieved for the other crown lands (Buczek 1966, pp. 50, 54-57). About 1585 a survey of Spain and Portugal was ordered by Philip; 21 maps at a scale of 1:350,000 resulted, with Andalucia, Old Castile, and Portugal well rendered (Reparez 1950, pp. 75-77). In the same year Bishop Gurbrandur Thorlaksson made a map of Iceland (Norlund 1939, p. 42).

In 1594 Maurice Bouguereau issued Le Theatre Francoys, the first French national atlas, containing from 14 to 16 provincial maps and from one to three general maps (Bagrow 1964, p. 162). Mercator's 1595 atlas was also important, with Scandinavia at last being reasonably portrayed, in a fashion light years away from its first appearance ca. 1325 in maps (Bjornbo and Petersen 1908 , p. 3). Mercator in this atlas had adopted Boazio's improvements of Ireland (Micahel Corbet Andrews 1924, p. 30). The century ended with North Sea charts still somewhat defective, especially as regards latitude, since compilers of northern European maps were compelled to use unreliable oral information and travel descriptions (Enckell 1951, pp. 62-68).

(NOTE: See Genovie 1940 for Albania in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Amrein 1884 for Swiss cartographic history (in French), and Lonborg for pre-1900 Swedish cartography (in Swedish))

Russia

In the sixteenth century, when the country became unified on the basis of centralization of powers, Russia began to come into focus; this period of the development of Russian cartography is connected with the names of foreigners who visited Russia and of Russians who traveled in western Europe (Bagrow and Castner 1975a, pp. 59-61; Atobe 1969, p. 9). A new and distinctive representation of Russia appeared at the beginning of the sixteenth century with Waldseemuller's 1507 map, in which eastern Europe conforms to Ptolemy while the Baltic is borrowed from Claudius Clavus (Bagrow 1962, p. 33). The first separate map of Russia was apparently made by Paolo Giovio in Italy on instructions from Pope Clement VIII, from data received by the Pope from Demetrius Gerasimov, the ambassador for Grand Duke Vassily IV, who came with gifts for the Pope in 1525; with all this transmittal of information, one suspects from the end results that there was some room for error to creep in. Agnese also used Gerasimov's information (Akademiia Nuak 1964, p. xv). Sigismund Herberstein's map, resulting from his Russia visit of 1517-1726, destroys the idea of mountain ridges in central Russia but gives an entirely false representation of south Russia (Bagrow 1962, p. 48; Keunig 1958, p. 174). Ivan Lyatsky fled Russia in 1534 and made a map of the Kingdom of Muscovy in 1542 (Bagrow and Castner 1975a, p. 61). The next map to appear (after a 1548 edition of Ptolemy which used the Giovio map) was in the Ortelius and de Jode atlases of 1562 and 1578 respectively; it was drawn from the travels of Anthony Jenkinson in 1557-1550 pr 1571, and resulted in Jenkinson's manuscript map of 1562. Jenkinson was the first to describe from personal observation the eastern portion of Russia (Keunig 1958, p. 172; Lister 1970, p. 92; Jervis 1938, p. 192). Latitudes on the resulting map are mainly correct, but longitudes are inaccurate, and central Asia is chiefly illustrative of Jenkinson's confused ideas of that region. Rybakov believes that the Jenkinson map traces back to a Russian "draught" of 1497 (1977, p. 10).

Within the country itself, Tsar Ivan IV the Terrible (1530-1584) gave orders that all Russia be mapped, an order difficult to follow, since Russia had no cartographers and no foreign cartographers could be persuaded to come there (Lister 1970, p. 90). Nonetheless, in about 1599 a most important manuscript base map was made for the Tsar, the Bol'shoy Chertyozh ("Great Drawing"), the earliest native attempt to map the entire country (Bagrow and Castner 1975b, p. 4; Essays 1975, p. vii; Brown 1948, p. 502).

Planimetric Mapping of Central and South America: A.D. 1500-1600

Central America

By 1500 Mexico appears in general outline on European nautical charts, and Honduras had been discovered and explored. Abraham Ortelius' 1579-1584 depictions of Mexico were standard for nearly a century (Pan American Institute of Geography and History. Centro 1952, p. 173; Sanchez Lamego 1955, p. 14; Cline 1962, p. 98).

South America

The cartography of South America dates from 1500 or 1502 with the map of Juan de la Cosa (Carta de marcar ...), based on the explorations (among others) of Vicente Yanez Pinzon and Diego de Lope; the Guiana coast was erroneously compiled (Rozo M. 1952, p. 177; Denuce 1910, p. 65; Roukema 1960, p. 27). In the beginning of the century, when a number of river estuaries in Suriname were first mapped, the place names were used confusingly, perhaps from having been garbled in transference (Bubberman 1973, p. 2). Cantino's 1502 map (made in Lisbon by an unknown cartographer for Alberto Cantino, agent of Ercole d'Este, Duke of Ferrar) has the same erroneous Guiana coast, and also shows two great gulfs/estuaries/bays that either do not exist or are just the exaggerated river mouths of the Maranhao and the Amazon rivers (depending upon the map interpreter) (Roukema 1960, p. 27; Denuce 1910, p. 68 Derby 1904, p. 684). Nonetheless, this is the earliest map containing a recognizable picture of at least a part of the Brazilian coast (Roukema 1963, p. 7). The Cantino map seems to have slightly detailed information relating to the southern coast of Brazil (Derby 1904, p. 683). The west coast of South America appears for the first time on Waldseemuller's 1507 world map; a straight line is used to connect the known portions, "a decision probably encouraged by the facility with which such a line can be made in wood engraving in comparison with the relative difficulty of making a sharply indented line"; Johannes Ruysch used a "scroll-like device in the area of uncertainty," and Agnese "left a subtle colored wash or a series of dots between the termini of the known lads at either end" (Washburn 1969, p. 17).

Reinel's 1519 map was to have considerable influence on Diego Ribeiro's 1529 map and on the Padron Real of 1526 (Hafkemeyer 1912, p. 50). The planisphere of Vesconte de Maggiolo (or Maiollo) or 1519 was also important, especially in its depiction of Brazil, as was Lopo Homem's of the same date (Jaime Cortesao 1965?; Hafkemeyer 1912, p. 51). Schoner's 1520 globe exhibits a better conceptof the New World in its distribution of sea and land (Ruiz Moreno 1925, p. 167).

Diego Ribeiro's 1529 map depicts the Atlantic coastline close to actuality; the Pacific coast is drawn only from Guatemala to Peru (showing Ecuador's coast for the first time), Paraguay is at 20 degrees S instead of its actual 18 degrees S, and little is shown of interior Colombia (Rozo M. 1952, p. 178; Medina 1889, p. xciv; Pozo Cano 1935, p. 3; Larrea 1977, p. 21). By 1535, the coast of Chile was well known (Winsor 1886a, p. 61).

The 1540s are a rich decade in the exploration and mapping of South America, especially of Brazil; by 1550, Spanish seamen had navigated almost the entire coast of South America (Skelton 1958, p. 91; Santarem 1847, p. 323). Orellana's 1540-1541 following of the course of the Amazon plus Aguirre's work 20 years after laid down almost the whole course of that river (Heawood 1965, p. 8). Mercator's 1541 globe gores correctly represent South America as to general outline (Burrage 1897, p. 414). Sebastian Cabot's "extraordinary representation" of South America in 1544 is marked by erroneous and arbitrary placement of geographical features (Armando Cortesao 1939, p. 224; Larrea 1977, pp. 22-24). That date marks the end of the early period in the cartographic depiction of Argentina. The Chilean and Patagonian coast are indicated with dotted lines on a 1558 Homem map (Winsor 1886a, p. 16).

Beginning in about 1500 cartographers began to attempt to represent the South American interior, supplementing "the lack of definite data by flights of the imagination" (Derby 1904, p. 693). For example, Diego Gutierrez (about 1560) had a great river uniting Lake Titicaca with the gulf of the Maranhao, and Bartolemeu Velho's 1564 map depicts a great central lake, with rivers flowing out of it in several tributaries, some of which would figure in copyists' maps until 1700. But at least coasts were fairly reasonably drawn; by 1575 the general form of the Argentinian coast was appearing ("Cartography in Argentina" 1953, p. 43); Derby 1904, pp. 693-94).

In spite of all the activity, vast tracts of forest remained unexplored, and "the whole southern extremity of the continent was entirely neglected" (Heawood 1965, p. 9). As one se captain, Laurence Keymis, wrote after a 1596 voyage that included sailing along the coast of Brazil, " ... no sea-card that I have seene at any time, doth in any sort neere a truth, describe this coast" (Roukema 1960, p. 31).

Planimetric mapping of North America: A.D. 1500-1600

... the more one studies maps of the sixteenth

century the less one knows.

(Buchanan 1948, p. 55

All this map interpretation is hopelessly

uncertain, and from it one may argue almost

everything that comes to mind!

(Morison 1978, p. viii)

One is to be cautioned against a too indis->

criminate use of these things.

Kohl on old charts (Ruge 1896, p. 292)

... vague lines of sixteenth century mapping ...

(Layng 1960, p. 282)

(NOTE: For excellent detailed treatments, see Harrisse 1961 and Winsor 1884-1889; for illustrations see especially Paullin 1932)

In the Spanish dominions of America the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were times of discovery and exploration followed by settlement and administration organization, with mapping being most definitely a part of this (Bagrow 1964, p. 193). Spanish cartography of the "Indias" was from the first carefully organized through the previously mentioned Casa de la Contratacion. The first Pilot Major, Amerigo Vespucci, was charged with drawing the padron general (master chart), which became in effect "a kind of 'inventory' of lands discovered"; it was kept up to date by continuous additions and corrections supplied by ships' masters (Skelton 1958, p. 78). No other nation had such a systematic record of known coasts and new discoveries; French and British explorers' maps had a high mortality rate. Harrisse makes a strong argument for maps being available for sale to foreigners by the Spaniards (1961, pp. 257-59), but all other authors state that such geographical information was not readily available from the Spaniards.

The century was a time of charting the American coasts, the east coast around to the west as far as California, and inland work, especially in Mexico. "The representation of Arctic areas on maps at the beginning of the sixteenth century is based largely on the account of Nicholas of Lynn, a Carmelite monk, who in 1360 supposedly voyaged to Norway and the islands beyond" (Kidd 1977, p. 6). Cosa drew the entire coast of North America from the neighborhood of Cuba to the high northern regions, about 70 degrees N, with a continuous line showing actual coastlines hypothetical in outline and without nomenclature except for the east-west coastline at about 52 degrees N, taken from the voyages of Cabot and possibly depicting Cape Ray (the southwest point of Newfound land) and the southern part of Burin peninsula of that same island (Langton 1935, p.1; Harrisse 1961, p. 111; Charles H. Carey 1929, p. 17; Stevenson 1904, p. 198; Burrage 1897, p. 402).

The Cantino planisphere of 1502, another manuscript chart, had an important influence on early cartography of North Aermica. No latitudes are given; the Columbian islands are accurately described, a large peninsula - Greenland - reaches beyond the Arctic Circle, reflecting the discoveries of Gaspar Corte-Real; the discovery of Brazil by Cabral may be indicated as southern Florida (Caraci 1960, p. 32; Thacher 1896, p. 205; Langton 1935, p. 1).

The belief that America was a southeast projection of Asia is first shown on a 1503 sketch map by Bartolomus Columbus (Fite and Freeman 1926, p. 34). Another important manuscript chart is that by Nicolas de Caneiro, in about 1502. On this map, although it follows the Cantino map in contour and nomenclature, the east coast of the New World is carried considerably further north, and prolonged to 35 degrees S latitude, the Florida peninsula is well defined, the Gulf of Mexico and Yucatan are not, and the New World is separated from Asia, with a clearly defined (but surely completely imaginary) west coast (Burrage 1897, pp. 405-406; Gohm 1972, p. 45; Thacher 1896, p. 207; Harrisse 1961, p. 112).

Johannes Ruysch, in his 1508 map, gives a good example of science taking a great step backward by representing the northern part of North America as part of Asia (Burrage 1897, pp. 407-408). martin Waldseemuller, on his 1507 map, separates North America from Asia (Fite and Freeman 1926, p. 34). Johannes Stobnicza continued the idea of separate continents in a 1512 mappamundi (in Introductio in ptholamei Cosmographiam; Cracow); the eastern coastline is continuous from 50 degrees N to 40 degrees S, and the western coast is delineated (Thacher 1896, pp. 226-32; Burrage 1897, p. 409; Harrisse 1961, p. 112). Waldseemuller's 1513 set of maps, referred to as a "Supplement" (to illustrate the Strasbourg Ptolemy) shows Florida, the West Indies, and South America, the latter labeled "Unknown Land" (Kish 1978, p. 4). The coast of Louisiana and the Gulf of Mexico are also given (Thacher 1896, p. 233). The 1519 Reinel map shows a portion of Labrador and Newfoundland (Burrage 1897, p. 407). Schoner's earliest globe, from about 1519 or 1520, is much like a new edition of Behaim, and separates North America and Asia (Harrisse 1961, p. 115).

Both Florida, in 1513, and Yucatan, in 1518-1519, had initially been charted as islands (Skelton 1958, p. 85). until 1520, latitudes on maps of the New World were some ten degrees to twenty degrees too far north. Some latitudinal errors persisted until about 1530, due to crude instruments, unfavorable circumstances for measuring, untrained measurers, and compass variations in northern latitudes (True 1954, p. 73). Despite these difficulties, by 1525, the entire eastern seaboard of North America was charted (Angel 1930).

The second quarter of the century is a retrograde step in continental cartography. The Spanish gave out false longitudinal reports upon the return of Magellan's ship, so Asia and North America were once again Siamese on maps and globes, as for example on Schoner's 1533 globe (Canad. Publi Archives 1957, p. xiii; Harrisse 1961, p. 115).

In 1529, Diego Ribeiro, then Pilot Major of Spain, issued a world map showing North America from Labrador to New Spain, with "a remarkably accurate image of the Gulf of Mexico and part of the West Indies" (Kish 1978, p. 5). Girolamo de Verrazano's map of the same year traced the Atlantic coastline in detail from Florida to Nova Scotia and Cape Breton, including the principal indentations between Chesapeake Bay and the Bay of Fundy, and showing open sea in the longed-for Northwest Passage. The coastline was erroneously shown as trending east-northeast to west-northwest, due to magnetic variation and consequent measuring problems (Skelton 1958, p. 82; Fite and Freeman 1926, p. 520.

At about this time, the French - to be followed by the British about mid-century - began to penetrate into the Great Lakes region for a variety of reasons: the persistent hope of finding a water route to China and India; the "apparently insatiable appetite of Europeans for furs;" the desire to discover riches in North America; and (especially important for mapping and geographic description) missionary activity- "French priests, especially Jesuits, penetrated the area with a tenacity seldom matched by laymen" (Karrow 1977, p. [1]).

Up to 1534, the west coastline above Central America was frequently omitted on maps (Winsor 1886a, p. 13). Following the 1534-1535 journeys of Jacques Cartier a prominent French type of early New World maps appears, marked by a continuous and fairly accurate Atlantic coastline and some detail in interior North America. Cartier's explorations, among other things, detached Newfoundland from the mainland (Stevenson 1907, pp. 220-21; Buchana 1948, p. 550.

Battista Agnese represented Baja California correctly as a peninsula in his ca. 1538-1540 world map, with fairly correct shapes for the east coast of North America (Labrador to Mexico), California, Mexico, and the Gulf of California (Kish 1978, p. 5; Fite and Freeman 1926, p. 59). That year, 1540, also marked the appearnace of the first map (now lost) of the trans-Mississippi West, by Fray Marcos de Niza, and of the next map of importance, by Sebastian Munster, "Tabula novarum insularum," in his Cosmographiae Universalis (first printed in Basle. The continental coast is not depicted very accurately, with the west coast running almost vertically north-south and a huge embayment in North America, illustrating the belief in a northern water route (Wheat 1956, p. 5; Gohm 1972, pp. 47-48; Karrow 1977, p. [1]).

Gerardus Mercator's 1538 and 1541 maps and globes represent North and South America correctly in their general features (Burrage 1897, p. 414). Sebastian Cabot's world map of 1544 gives a fairly correct outline of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the St. Lawrence River, perhaps copied from Nicolas Deslien's 1541 map that reflects the discoveries of Cartier. Newfoundland was at this time still a cluster of islands, New England was taking shape, and the Atlantic coast of North America was almost as accurate as it would be on Mercator's 1569 world map (Fite and Freeman 1926, p. 62). The Dauphin map of the world of 1546, by Pierre Desceliers of Dieppe, shows the cartographic development of the St. Lawrence, a wedge-shaped inlet on the New England coast (Penrose 1955, plate facing p. 237).

"Until the middle of the sixteenth century, discovery and exploration had been almost altogether a Portuguese-Spanish monopoly" (Penrose 1955, p. 169); after that time, the French and the English applied themselves wholeheartedly to the exploration of their New World realms, as reflected by the filling in of the coastline from Florida to Nova Scotia (Wagner 1937, p. 43).

A 1558 map of America by Homem carries the California coast a short distance above the peninsula; on the other coast, early charts show the region explored by Frobisher as on the east coast of Greenland, while in actuality it is on the east coast of North America. This placement came to an end on the map of Nicol and Antonio Zeno, which appeared also in 1558. This map represents Greenland's outline with some accuracy, although placing it too far to the north, with its southern tip at 65 degrees 40 minutes N rather than at 60 degrees N; the map map also indulges itself by having in mid-Atlantic a large imaginary island called Frislandia (Christy 1900, pp. 22, 240.

Between 1562 and 1663 transitional and descriptive maps of early exploration and settlement of the southeast United States appeared (Cumming 1958, p. ix). The 1566 map of New France by Zaltieri was the first to contain a strait between America an Asia, called the Strait of Anian (Harrisse 1961, p. 286; Fite and Freeman 1926, p. 73). The strait is also on the 1569 Mercator map ("nova et aucta orbis terrae descriptio ..."). The Appalachians are shown as a continuous mountain range parallel to the coast; the Pacific coastline, while complete, is almost totally conjectural (Fite and Freeman 1926, pp. 77-79; Stevenson 1907, p. 224; Cumming 1958, p. 2).

Ortelius' 1570 atlas includes a map of America, which shows the area explored by the French, from the Gulf of the St. Lawrence to the present-day site of Montreal, and also has California as a peninsula; west-coast mapping was still problematical, and north-coast mapping scarcely done at all (Cumming 1958, p. 2; Kish 1978, p. 6; Waters 1949, p. 3). Martin Frobisher sailed to Baffin Island in 1576; drake saw the coast of Oregon in 1578; (U.S. central Intelligence Agency 1978, p. 7; Charles H. Carey 1929, pp. 16-17). Michael Lok, "a businessman who believed there must be a route from England to the riches of Asia by way of North America," in his 1582 map shows English discoveries in the far northeast, including that of Frobisher, indicating open sea to the north, and in the north Pacific notes the limits of the Portuguese (Magellan in 1520), the Spanish (Ulloa or Cabrillo in 1540), and English voyages (Drake in 1580) (Kish 1978, p. 7). The arrival of 1584 found John Davis exploring the west coast of Greenland (Hobbs 1949, p. 19). Between 1585 and 1587, an Englishman named John White produced one of the most accurate maps of sixteenth century America, with its coastline from the Chesapeake Bay (in Maryland and Virginia) south to Florida. The first map of the Carolinas was made sometime in the 1580s (Gohm 1972, pp. 51, 55; Ford 1926, p. 264).

Mercator's 1595 world map depicted several cartographical misconceptions of the time - the island of Frisland in the Atlantic; the Strait of Anian; and the islands at the North Pole (Oppen 1975, p. 31). Cornelius Wytfliet's 1597 map of Norumbega et Virginia also rates high in cartographic fantasy; Norumbega is an imaginary place supposedly located south of New France, and the coast from Cape Breton to the Chesapeake is imaginary also, with only the Virginia and Carolina coasts having any basis in reality (Kish 1978, pp. 10, 28; O'Dea 1971, p. 3). Not surprisingly, California is shown as a peninsula on Wytfliet's 1598 map (Kish 1978, p. 19).

The primary period of mapping the southeast United States extended to the final decade of the sixteenth century, when there was an increased interest in detailed knowledge of North America, and Spain was making a concerted effort to determine precisely the geographic position of populated places (Edwards 1969, p. 17). Maps at the end of this primary period, based as they are on reports and charts of early expeditions supplemented by information received from individual adventurers, are "artistically designed, filled in with pictures of curious animals and geographical extravaganza, ... confused, contradictory, and inaccurate ..." (Cumming 1958, p. 1), including such errors as California as an island, erring in the number and location of the Great Lakes, and the placing of a large lake in the southeast United States (Cumming 1938, p. 476; Kish 1978, p. 10). New England was still, generally speaking, portrayed inaccurately (McManis 1972, p. 3). The north coast up to about Hudson's Strait was relatively correct by 1599; the northwest coast was "somewhat known" to about 45 degrees N (Wagner 1937, p. 59); and there was some comprehension of the distance between North America and Asia (E.G.R. Taylor 1939, p. 48). Mapping of Canada was extending north along the coast inland via the St. Lawrence River (Bettex 1960, front endpapers).